Saturday, October 27, 2018

Unlikelihood 0f Appalachian Thermal Coal Revival Amidst So Many Combined Cycle Natural Gas Plants Under Construction (and the reported planned withdrawal of proposed coal and nuclear bailouts)


Unlikelihood of Appalachian Thermal Coal Revival Amidst So Many Combined Cycle Natural Gas Plants Under Construction (and the reported planned withdrawal of proposed coal and nuclear bailouts)

The Trump administration plan to revive Appalachian coal by monetizing it through government subsidy was said to be justifiable by concerns about fuel security (90 days of fuel on-site).  Different versions have been floated about reviving coal: WV governor and billionaire coal company owner Jim Justice’s suggestion for an eastern coal subsidy to keep mines open and stave off bankruptcies, Energy Secretary Rick Perry’s Grid Reliability study intention of supporting energy security path to prop coal backfired a bit as the study suggested grid reliability was adequate, and Perry’s Murray Energy-approved plan to subsidize coal plants with 90 days of fuel on-site.

Meanwhile the Appalachian and nearby Midwest and Atlantic Coast regions continue a large buildout of efficient combined-cycle natural gas plants. According to Kallanish Energy, there are 29 gas plants in various stages of planning and construction in the Appalachian region. These plants are fairly close to the gas source and now with good pipeline access to different areas. Being close to fuel source makes the plants more economic with the Appalachian basis differential keeping Appalachian natural gas locally cheaper.  

The planned coal and nuclear bailout was touted to be justified by national security concerns and evoke wartime emergency powers rules from 1950. However, recent leaks have suggested that cost and legal difficulties will influence the administration to drop the plan. There are some, though likely few or none in the current administration, who might favor some form of nuclear energy bailout to keep low carbon energy sources afloat but who reject coal bailouts. Basically, utilities concluded that there is no credible threat to fuel security due to scheduled retirements of coal and nuclear plants. Even the American Petroleum Institute opposes the bailout. Some nuclear energy companies even oppose it. While fuel on-site can potentially help during polar vortices the reality is that it often doesn’t. Some equipment at coal plants apparently froze up during the last polar vortex. Frozen on-site coal is also sometimes a problem that can negatively affect equipment. Hurricane Harvey flooded some on-site coal supplies at power plants and winds at tropical storm strength have shut down coal plants while not affecting wind turbine operation in the same region. Again, with Hurricane Florence in the Carolinas, some coal and gas plants shut down while solar power remained operational. Nuclear plants are subject to unscheduled outages for maintenance which also can be weather-related. I think the bottom line here is that coal and nuclear are not as resilient and secure as some think, especially compared to natural gas which is generally not affected by weather. It can, however, be affected by pipeline flow interruptions and price spikes in polar vortices – with the price spikes being the main reason coal is used more in these cold weather events.

However, some industry execs praised the effort to prop up coal and nuclear in the name of grid reliability and resiliency. Exelon Energy CEO Christopher Crane said in June at the Edison Electric Institute’s annual convention that “getting the market design right and looking at the resiliency is really a requirement that we need federal intervention on” referring to the increasing amounts of natural gas and renewables on the grid. He noted that utilities don’t currently have resource planning at the national level. However, it can be argued that they do on a regional level as some regional utility operators like PJM Interconnect, which represents 30% of U.S. power generation, have done broad reliability and resiliency analyses. They actually predicted grid reliability up to 86% natural gas. Currently gas an coal are fairly even in that region with about 30% each. So, I am guessing the need to incorporate coal into reliability and resiliency planning differs a bit by region but overall it does not seem to be a big problem. In Western states like California where solar is huge or in the Midwest where wind is a big part of generation the issue in the future is mainly backing up intermittence with more reliable baseload generation, which csan be provided by natural gas, coal, hydro where applicable, and/or nuclear.

There was also an announcement from the DOE back in March about funding for small modular coal plants, possibly as peaker plants, but it is hard to see how these could really compete with natural gas peakers. The DOE spokesman touted these types of plants as a way to bring coal back so it sounds like the politics of reviving coal is involved. The question is: why do it with coal when you can do it with cleaner, less carbon intensive, more efficient, and cheaper natural gas?

The price of natural gas relative to the price of coal is not expected to change much in the coming years so coal won’t revive under market conditions. Metallurgical coal for export is currently the continued plan for met coal producers while thermal coal producers will continue to contract. Even if steel production increases in the U.S. due to tariffs that will only benefit met coal producers. The EIA predicts U.S. consumption of coal will drop by about 6% in 2019 relative to 2018. The drop in 2018 is expected to be about 4% so this is a slightly bigger drop than in previous years. Exports are forecast to drop about 8% in 2019 relative to 2018 – they had risen by quite a bit, nearly 50%, from 2016 to 2018. Nearly all of the drop is in the electric power sector. Electric Power Sector Coal Inventories are predicted to rise a percent or so in 2019 relative to 2018 but have dropped considerably from 2016-2018. They are expected to remain pretty steady over the next few years.

Bottom line is that paying coal companies to store more coal than they currently do at coal power plants probably won’t really add to our energy security and it seems likely none of the extra stored coal would be used.

References:

Appalachia has 29 gas-fired power plants in various development stages – by Kallanish Energy, Oct. 11, 2018

Trump Administration to drop Its Emergency Coal, Nuclear Bailout Plan – by Jeff St. John, in Green Tech Media, Oct. 16, 2018

Everybody hates Trump’s coal and nuclear bailout plan – by Mark Hand, in Think Progress, July 7, 2018

Breaking Down the Opposition to DOE’s Emergency Coal and Nuclear Bailout Plan – by Jeff St. John, in Green Tech Media, June 1, 2018

Exelon CEO: ‘We Need Federal Intervention’ on Grid Resilience – by Julia Pyper, in Green Tech Media, June 6, 2018

Trump’s Energy Department pursuing small coal power plants – by Amy Harder, in Axios, March 7, 2018

Energy Information Administration (EIA) – Short-Term Energy Outlook – Coal, Oct. 10, 2018


Thursday, October 11, 2018

Colorado's Initiative 112: Overkill Setback Regs That Could Devastate the State's Oil & Gas Industry If It Passes


Colorado’s Initiative 112: Overkill Setback Regs That Could Devastate the State's Oil & Gas Industry If It Passes

Common state setback requirements for oil and gas facilities and equipment from dwellings are about 500ft as is the current requirement in Colorado. On the state ballot this year for voters to decide is a setback requirement of 2500 ft – 5 times the avg. This would put huge swaths, 50-60% of the state’s surface land mass, totally off limits. According to the Colorado Oil & Gas Conservation Commission it would put about 85% of the surface of non-federal lands off-limits. The proposed setback rules do not affect public lands, which cover about 35% of the state. Of course, resources appear where they appear regardless of land designations. Cities and towns have existing zoning laws that precludes oil and gas facilities. Landowner groups formed in some areas to influence the siting process as applicable. However, oil & gas companies have a need to consider well spacing and geology to optimize resource recovery.

Revenue and employment from the state’s considerable oil & gas industry would fall drastically. I can understand increasing the setback distances a little bit, even doubling them to 1000 ft but the 2500 ft rule is clearly overkill designed to destroy the industry. The Denver-Julesburg (DJ) Basin is home to lots of closely spaced wells and to much new housing and development which can justify some increase of setbacks. However, the 2500 ft proposal is far greater than typical even in other states where oil & gas development overlaps with populated and developing areas. The initiative would potentially put 78% of Weld County, the heart of the DJ Basin, off-limits and even more than that for the most economic areas. That would wipe out drilling by most E&Ps in the area.

Reasons for increased setbacks include air quality, possible water well impacts, noise, truck traffic, lights, even vibrations in some cases. The Colorado Department of Health recently concluded a study of the air quality impacts from oil & gas facilities and wells and found that they do not constitute a hazard. Water well impacts are not likely either. Noise, lights, and truck traffic can be mitigated.  

Personally, I do not think this is something that should be on a statewide ballot. For one, I am guessing the percentage of the state’s population that lives less than 1000 ft, even less than 2500 ft, from oil and gas production facilities is small compared to the state population. Most people live in towns and cities and so the issue by and large affects rural people exclusively. Yet the much greater number of unaffected people in cities get an equal vote. That does not seem fair. Most political, social, and environmental issues involve where to put the line between acceptable and unacceptable. New administrations are voted in and out and those lines often change. However, they usually do not change by leaps and bounds. If this initiative passes that will change.

The issue also affects landowners who want to drill on their property, potentially taking away some of their property rights to lease their minerals and benefit financially from wells drilled on their property.

If the initiative passes it will affect the 6-8% of Coloradans employed in oil and gas. It would affect taxes and fees the industry provides to local governments. One think tank predicted it could cost 150,000 jobs and cut state GDP by $218 billion over time. Former governor Bill Ritter, a Democrat, noted that Colorado has “the strongest set of regulations in any state in the country where oil and gas extraction is concerned and where hydraulic fracturing is concerned.” Current governor John Hickenlooper, also a Democrat, has long supported fracking as well as Colorado’s strong regulatory environment. He is also a geologist who knows about oil and gas. As Jude Clemente points out in the Forbes article referenced below stifling oil and gas development will mean less natural gas available to back up renewables and to mitigate climate change through replacing coal.

BTU Analytics, an energy market analysis firm based in Denver thinks there is an even chance the initiative will pass since the state has seen population increases, a younger demographic, and an overall move to the left politically. They also note that the proposal might well sound reasonable to a layman who doesn’t know much about oil and gas.

An article in the academic journal, Social Forces, interviewed 100 landowners about relations with the oil & gas industry focusing on things like lease terms and addressing of complaints. They concluded that the industry has the upper hand and increases what they called “procedural injustice.” They approached the subject from an environmental justice standpoint, apparently. However, I do know that industry does very often attempt to accommodate landowner concerns. Industry must consider optimization of their resources, which basically translates to efficiency of development, which maximizes profit and decreases environmental impact per energy unit produced. Geology, well-spacing, surface topography, and lease boundaries must be considered. As stated above many areas have landowner groups who develop their own lease terms and negotiate as a group so that terms are equal and no one gets disadvantaged by industry negotiators, typically landmen. I think the industry should have the upper hand since it is they who need to decide where to drill. Otherwise they might not drill at all and everybody loses. They can’t and won’t drill in spots where they are too far less than optimized.  

References:

Study Shows Oil & Gas Industry Wields ‘Meta Power’ But Colorado Residents are Fighting Back – by Mark Hand, in ThinkProgress, Oct. 5, 2018

Colorado’s Initiative 97 Unwisely Blocks Oil and Natural Gas Development – by Jude Clemente, in Forbes, Sept. 30, 2018

Making Heads and Tails of Proposition 112’s Chances of Passing – A Coin Flip? – by Tony Scott, BTU Analytics, Sept. 27, 2018

The Right to Resist or a Case of Injustice? Meta-Power in the Oil & Gas Fields (Abstract) – by Stephanie A. Malin, Tara Opsal, Tara O’Connor Shelley, and Peter Mandel Hall, in Social Forces, Sept. 21, 2018

DJ Basin: Is the Future Setback? – by Matt Hagerty, in BTU Analytics, July 17, 2018

Friday, October 5, 2018

Crude-By-Rail Expected to Triple as New Oil Pipelines are Beset with Protests and Regulatory Hurdles: Why Pipeline Transport of Oil is Safer, Cleaner, Cheaper, and More Sensible


Crude-By-Rail Expected to Triple as New Oil Pipelines are Beset with Protests and Regulatory Hurdles: Why Pipeline Transport of Oil is Safer, Cleaner, Cheaper, and More Sensible

It is considerably more expensive to ship crude oil by rail compared to pipelines. Pipelines are also a much safer way to transport crude than by rail. However, due to the time constraints in building oil pipelines due to regulatory hurdles and considerable public opposition to them, both in the U.S. and in Canada, it is inevitable that more and more North American crude will by shipped by rail. Shipping by rail also requires the burning of massive quantities of diesel fuel compared to pipelines which only utilize pumping every few hundred miles. This makes the carbon footprint much higher for crude-by-rail vs. pipelines. The possibility for spills and accidents is higher for the trains, and although the spills are smaller than for pipelines, the accidents can be devastating.

It has recently been reported that shipping crude by rail is expected to double in 2018 compared to 2017 and triple in the coming years and much of that crude will be heavy oil from Canada’s Alberta tar sands fields and Western basins and be shipped to the U.S. Gulf Coast. One analyst predicts that Canadian crude exports via rail will increase from 200,000 barrels per day to 600,000 barrels per day by 2021. Crude is still in high demand in North America and is expected to remain that way for a while so the assertions by some economists that Canadian heavy crude, especially tar sands crude, is not in demand due to its quality, are simply incorrect. However, I do know that transporting heavy tar sands oil via pipeline requires the addition of diluting agents, basically lighter hydrocarbons such as natural gasoline and condensates. This helps to decrease the viscosity of the heavy crude so that it can flow more readily in pipelines. Some have argued that the heavy crude is more likely to spill from pipelines but this is not born out by statistics. It may be harder to clean up after a spill though, but I am not sure of that either. Despite the higher cost to ship via rail the heavy Canadian crude can more than make up that cost by shipping to the U.S. Gulf Coast where it is in high demand. The Canadian issue is the need to get crude to the higher price markets in the U.S. even if the cost to ship by rail is $15-19 per barrel compared to $7 per barrel if transported by pipeline. The gridlock in the construction of the Keystone XL pipeline has been lifted somewhat by Trump’s approval of the project but for now the only solution is to ship by train.

While pipeline spills are often much higher volume spills than those by train or truck, there are far more spills via train and truck. There is also the concerning issue of the flammable nature of the crude. Bakken crude from North Dakota in particular has been quite explosive in accidents. Requirements for better built tanker cars and vapor pressure limits to decrease volatility before shipping may help to prevent future explosions. Train speed limits may also help.

This is another situation where anti-pipeline activist environmentalists are actually causing more potential environmental damage, more pollution, more carbon emissions, as well as hindering profits by blocking and delaying the safest way to transport a product in high demand. While they also seek to limit crude-by-rail, referring to them as “bomb trains,” at the same time they are enabling more trains by opposing pipelines.

References:

Cenovus to move 100,000 bpd of oil by rail to Gulf Coast – by Nelson Bennett, in BIV.com, Sept. 27, 2018

Wednesday, October 3, 2018

The Pros and Cons of CAFE Standards: Do CAFE Standards Compromise Vehicle Safety As Conservative Think Tanks Claim? How Does the Rebound Effect Fit In? Fed Rule vs. State Rules


The Pros and Cons of CAFÉ Standards: Do CAFÉ Standards Compromise Vehicle Safety as Conservative Think Tanks Claim? How Does the Rebound Effect Fit In? Fed Rule vs. State Rules

In 2009 Obama announced a new upgrade to CAFÉ standards to increase vehicle mileage. He stated that the goal was a 5% annual average increase in miles per gallon (MPG) without compromising safety. The Competitive Enterprise Institute, headed by Trump transition team member Myron Ebell, has argued for years now that lowering the standards by making vehicles lighter, likely the most important component to MPG increases, has compromised safety. Is this actually true? Other conservative think tanks such as the Heartland Institute have made the same arguments as have some safety experts.

Every vehicle is given a safety rating based on actual crash tests. Vehicle weight is very often a factor in safety and fatalities but not the only factor. Engineering design is a factor as well as are vehicle size, types of materials used, smaller engines, more complete combustion and recombustion, and even country of origin. Aside from car company tests there are agencies like National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA) and the Insurance Institute for Highway Safety (IIHS) which give safety ratings and do meta-analysis to compare vehicles. Studies by the National Research Council in 1993 and the Harvard Center for Risk Analysis both concluded that CAFÉ standards did indeed contribute to more highway fatalities, thousands per year in the first study and hundreds per year per mpg in the 2nd study. The IIHS found in a 2007 analysis that some SUVs with low safety ratings have higher fatality rates than some small cars with high safety ratings. In crashes involving cars and SUVs the weight of the SUV directly correlates to higher fatalities among car occupants – the heavier the SUV the more deaths. There was no mention of whether the weight variance of the small cars affected fatality rates. Another study showed that 75% of traffic fatalities involved a truck. Those last two data sets suggest that lowering the weight of trucks and SUVs might have more of an impact on reducing fatalities than making small cars heavier or keeping them the same weight. Thus, the argument is whether lighter cars are the main problem or the lesser problem as that data suggest, the bigger problem perhaps being the bigger differences in weight. That data also suggest that the earlier studies may have overestimated the effect of the CAFÉ standards on safety since lighter cars with better gas mileage are increasingly sought by consumers anyway for the cost savings and environmental benefits. A 2003 study by the Transportation Research Board suggested that engineering design was a more important factor than vehicle weight in determining safety. The bottom line is that while vehicle weight does affect safety, it may not be the main factor and since consumers want and expect vehicles with higher fuel economy, the relative amount of lighter vehicles on the roads are likely to continue to increase at similar rates regardless of whether CAFÉ standards are continued or frozen as the Trump proposal calls for beginning in 2021.

Other arguments against CAFÉ standards are touted by vehicle manufacturers who say that the changes add significant costs to production and that consumers are less willing to pay higher prices for smaller cars costlier to produce. If they pay more they want bigger vehicles. That may be less and less true as time goes on, though bigger vehicles for bigger families and trucks for transporting stuff will continue to be sought. However, it is interesting that the big car makers spend much more on advertising for their bigger and more gas guzzling models, which suggests that they have higher profit margins on those vehicles.

Fuel economy standards were first enacted in the U.S. in 1975 in response to oil embargos and began to be implemented in 1978 increasing about 1-2mpg per year. With some very minor ups and downs fuel economy standards were essentially frozen from 1985 until 2011 when they went from 27.5 to 30.2 for passenger cars. That is 26 years of R&D into increasing fuel economy while it was held steady. Current research involves automated vehicle safety technologies, similar to those used in automated driverless vehicles. Such technologies should be able to help reduce injuries and fatalities.

It has recently been announced (first in 2016) that the transportation sector has overtaken the power generation sector in greenhouse gas emissions. CAFÉ standards as a form of efficiency have always been touted as a very good and very feasible way of reducing pollution and greenhouse gas emissions. 60% of transportation sector emissions are from cars and light trucks.  

Another argument against relaxing fuel efficiency standards is that it would mean we would import more oil from OPEC which keeps us dependent on those players and adds to trade deficits. Thus, increasing fuel economy can increase U.S. energy independence. Yet another argument is that such standards would decrease particulate pollution and other pollution like VOCs and oxides that contribute to ground-level ozone and smog. That is probably the main reason why the state of California has long sought higher CAFÉ standards than the U.S. as a whole. However, the new Trump administration proposal seeks to compel California to accept the national standards that would effectively increase such emissions from where they are now. Apparently, the Clean Air Act gives states the ability to set their own fuel economy standards subject to EPA approval. It appears that EPA head Andrew Wheeler and company are not willing to continue that approval, which is an odd departure from an EPA that has sought to give states more freedom enact regulations without interference from the federal government. The Scientific American article referenced below points out that despite California’s more stringent standards they have the poorest air quality in the nation. This has much to do with the weather inversions that cause the urban smog to remain in the close to the ground.

Competitive Enterprise Institute’s Myron Ebell argues that not freezing CAFÉ standards affects consumer choice by making the cost of new cars higher. Of course, any added cost will be more than offset and recouped quickly by savings in fuel costs. He rightly points out that CAFÉ standards were originally designed to increase U.S. oil independence and that the shale revolution has really helped with that goal. He also notes that Obama invoked a 2007 Supreme Court decision to repurpose CAFÉ standards as a way to decrease greenhouse gases. Ebell makes another interesting argument: that higher sticker prices for cars (presumably due to the need to increase MPG) is causing more people to keep their older cars on the road, cars that are less safe and less efficient. That is a difficult claim to evaluate. I tend to doubt that adding $1000-$2000 to a $20,000 to $50,000 vehicle is having a large effect on buyers. However, those costs may increase to $3000 more per vehicle if the ratcheting up to 2025 is continued as planned. That could have a bigger effect on consumers. Oddly, the title of Ebell’s op-ed says the new Trump CAFÉ freeze would lower gas prices but there is no mention of gas prices in the article at all. It can be argued that continually ratcheting up the fule economy will continue to increase vehicle costs and that is perhaps a good argument for freezing or reducing future increases as the new Trump EPA plan does. He also notes that rising vehicle costs also price lower income people out of the new car buyer market – even though they would save on fuel costs the higher purchase costs are prohibitive.

Apparently, there are around 15 states with CAFÉ standards similar to those in California. Many of those states are among the 17 states that have recently sued the EPA to keep their own standards. In June, Colorado became the 14th state to enact such standards.

Obama’s EPA finalized an evaluation in Jan. 2017 that found that implementing the standards through 2025 was feasible and the benefits would outweigh costs. The Trump EPA under Pruitt began to rewrite the standards and current head Andrew Wheeler and Secretary of Transportation Elaine Chao recently announced the proposed new rules.

Rebound Effect – Real but Limited

Of course, with lower fuel costs people are likely to drive more. This is known as the rebound effect – when something becomes more efficient it usually becomes cheaper so that in cases where cost would curb use there would be more use. In driving, the degree of the effect probably has to do with how much driving one does regardless of cost, necessary driving and leisure driving. Only leisure driving would increase and only to an extent. In terms of driving the rebound effect has been dubbed the “Prius effect.” The Trump administration argument for freezing CAFÉ standards noted that the lower fuel costs would lead to more driving and thus more accidents. That is likely true to a certain small extent. Skeptics of the strength of the rebound effect note that most people are not looking to drive more and the effect is negligible, say Ted Nordhaus and Alex Trembath of the Breakthrough Institute, a moderate environmental think tank. They also argue that increased engine efficiency has been directed toward selling bigger vehicles that are more efficient rather than smaller ones, while the increasing CAFÉ standards favor the smaller vehicles. They note that one could make the argument that decreasing the weight of vehicles overall or of heavier vehicles can reduce injuries and fatalities just as much or more than increasing the weight of lighter vehicles – as the evidence indicated above about varying vehicle weights on accident fatalities suggests. Another thing they note is that vehicle safety per miles driven has been increasing steadily through time. This is due to better technology, more comprehensive safety regulations, and stricter drunk driving enforcement. Alex Trembath argues that while CAFÉ standards were effectively frozen (1985-2011) vehicles got bigger and more powerful. Thus the rebound effect of frozen CAFÉ standards was toward driving bigger and more powerful vehicles, since higher efficiency technologies can make those vehicles meet the standards if they don’t rise.

Federal CAFÉ Standards vs. State Standards

About 14 states now have standards close to those of California, which are even stricter than the national standards, This represents over 40% of new cars and trucks being manufactured. Myron Ebell at CEI touts the relaxing of the standards as a victory against government overreach, both of the feds and in this case against the ability of a state like California to influence the policies of other states. He says California has been “pursuing an anti-car agenda for decades.” He says that without noting the direct impact of fuel-burning vehicles on California urban smog. He advocates, “kicking California bullies out of the fuel economy playground” to expand consumer choice. Of course, this does not address the other 13 or 14 states with similar standards. He argues that the original CAFÉ standards did not foresee states having their own standards and this is a good argument although there has been considerable debate in legal circles since the Clean Air Act does gives states some rights to regulate their own air quality and in states like California it is definitely an air quality issue. Of course, in most instances conservative views of environmental regulation refer to the states to set standards, now presumably especially if those standards are less stringent than federal standards. This is not the case here. He does complain, perhaps justifiably, that California has had too much influence on the federal standards, citing specific cases. It is thus debatable whether California has had undue influence through its “fuel economy zealotry.” California also promotes other low emissions technologies such as natural gas vehicles (NGVs), electric vehicles (EVs), high quality and functioning catalytic converters, and other technologies that increase fuel economy and reduce emissions. While Ebell and Co. do make some valid arguments they also seem to want to punish left-leaning states like California (without mentioning smog at all) as part of what Ebell calls the “climate -industrial complex.” This issue is one of several involving the Trump administration being at odds with California and several other states: fuel economy standards, sanctuary cities, and net neutrality, are three I can think of although they are very separate issues.

The Big Picture: Recap of Pros and Cons of Current CAFÉ Standards Trajectory

Pros:

1)      Saves consumers substantial $ on fuel

2)      Reduces particulate and smog-producing pollutants – vital in cities and certain regions

3)      Reduces greenhouse gas emissions from its largest domestic source

4)      Increases U.S. energy independence

5)      Can help states meet their own emissions standards – a real benefit in high pollution areas

Cons:

1)      Likely reduces safety – by how much is questionable

2)      Increases costs for automakers – higher costs for consumers more than recouped by fuel savings

3)      Could make some repairs more expensive for consumers – through higher materials and replacement costs.

4)      Rebound Effect – people will tend to drive more if fuel cost is cheaper due to better mileage, although only a portion of the saved fuel will be burned due to rebound

5)      Higher cost of new cars causing people to keep less safe, less efficient cars longer (questionable how big this effect really is) and price lower income people out of new car market

My own opinion is that there is some basis for freezing or reducing the future increases of the Obama EPA rule but that there is little to no basis for restricting states rights to set their own standards, particularly high smog states like California.

References:

Americans' love affair with cars threatens climate goals – by Maxine Joselow, E&E News reporter Climatewire: Wednesday, September 5, 2018

Using Trump’s Bad-Faith CAFÉ Standards Proposal to Better Understand Efficiency Rebound – by Ted Nordhaus and Alex Trembath, in Green Tech Media, Sept. 11, 2018

How to Reap the Benefits of Fuel Efficiency Standards – by Alex Trembath, in BreakThrough Newsletter, Sept. 19. 2018

Relaxing Vehicle Efficiency Standards Is a Truly Dangerous Idea – by Rob Jackson, in Scientific American, July 1, 2018

Wikipedia Entry – Corporate average fuel economy

Colorado Becomes 14th State to Adopt Stronger Vehicle Emissions Standards – by Mark Hand, in Think Progress, June 19, 2018

More Realistic Fuel Economy Rule Would Cut Traffic Fatalities and Lower Gas Prices – by Myron Ebell, op-ed in Arizona Daily Star, Aug. 15, 2018

CEI: Proposed Changes to CAFÉ Standards Are Good News for Consumers – by Myron Ebell, Sam Kazman, and Marlo Lewis, in Competitive Enterprise Institute, Aug. 2, 2018

Will Trump Auto Rule End California’s Regulation of Fuel Economy – by Marlo Lewis Jr., in Competitive Enterprise Institute, Aug. 1, 2018